Jeffrey Epstein's, 9/11's Saudi Bin Laden family's, Qanon's Proud Boys', and Cambridge Analytica's SCL Group's UK royals implicated in yet another sex trafficking ring is starting to form quite a pattern that's hard to ignore.

Published on 2 October 2023 at 10:05

 

Per our previous reporting, Jeffrey Epstein's Prince Andrew was not the only UK royal named in his book of clients, financiers, and associates found at www.epsteinsblackbook.com. There are quite a large number of UK, EU, and Saudi royals named across the 1,971 names therein.[2]

Our previous reporting has also found an overlap between Jeffrey Epstein's and NXIVM's child sex trafficking rings, and now very recent reporting out of the UK Commonwealth has elucidated yet another huge piece of this puzzle of global elite child sex traffickers linked to major scandals within the United States and the UK Commonwealth, but not limited to the same, with Scotland Yard's investigation into the sex trafficking and sadism allegations surround Hamish Ogston, one of the wealthiest men in the UK, and a close ally of Jeffrey Epstein's UK royals, and the charities of Charles III, including the one that received over a million dollars from 9/11's Bin Laden family, in a manner that continues to smell fiercely rank, best reported by The Times, as follows.[1][3] 

"Hamish Ogston is one of Britain’s richest men, a Sunday Times Rich List regular with a £130 million fortune. In April last year Ogston, 75, pledged to give his wealth to charity when he died. One of the country’s most prolific philanthropists, he told the Daily Mail “I have always been concerned about inequalities and unfairness and lack of opportunities. I don’t know why.”

Ogston made his money selling credit card insurance to millions of customers. He received a CBE at Buckingham Palace in 2011 for “services to business and to the community in York”, where his firm was headquartered. He lives in a Kensington mansion next to the townhouse where Winston Churchill lived and died, owns artworks by Picasso, Chagall and Magritte, and has nine cars.

He has spent the last five years building up his eponymous foundation, which has donated tens of millions to heritage projects, healthcare and women’s education in the global south.

This generosity has given the Surrey-born dentist’s son a seat alongside the rich and powerful. In April 2022, Rishi Sunak praised his philanthropy as the pair met to reopen a theatre in north Yorkshire after he funded its restoration. Shortly after, Ogston travelled north for a private dinner with the then Prince Charles on his Scottish estate. Princess Anne’s husband, Sir Timothy Laurence, recently came for dinner at his home.

Today, a Sunday Times investigation reveals evidence that suggests for the last 15 years he has engaged in the exploitation of vulnerable southeast Asian sex workers. Documents suggest Ogston has trafficked or attempted to traffic Thai and Filipina sex workers, and hosted women who entered the country as tourists only to stay at his property and engage in sex work. Others are, in his words, already in the country “illegally” and beholden to mama-sans (female Thai pimps) or members of organised crime gangs, making them less likely to report potential abuse.

Allegations include:

  • Trafficking a 23-year-old woman into Britain in 2013.
  • Keeping her in his property and using her for sex.
  • Illegally employing a Thai woman as an assistant and sex worker between 2022 and 2023.
  • Paying another Thai sex worker to procure prostitutes and class-A drugs, including crystal meth and cocaine, between 2014 and 2023.
  • Subjecting women to extreme and dangerous acts.
  • Trying to bring Thai sex workers falsely claiming to be “bamboo basket weavers” into the country in 2022.
  • Hiring a partner at a City law firm to explore how he could get women into Britain in 2023 and suggesting he could use his charitable foundation as a “foil”.
  • Manipulating a Thai woman into having sex with his friends and other sex workers.

Ogston said that he did not recognise our account and denies entirely that his conduct amounts to the systematic exploitation of vulnerable women. The potential offences include breaking laws on immigration, prostitution and human trafficking — defined as arranging or facilitating a person’s travel to another country to exploit them for sexual or domestic servitude. It is also a crime to “knowingly” employ adults who do not have the right to work or are in the country illegally, and to control a person’s prostitution for gain. Such crimes can result in lengthy prison sentences.

Ogston’s alleged exploitation has severely affected a number of the women involved. He has asked sex workers to perform acts on himself, his friends and other prostitutes so extreme that some have required medical attention and risked chronic disease. He has sent some women to a private clinic on Harley Street. The man who treated them, Dr Thomas Bozek, said he feared the patients were being exploited — but did not act as “everybody” knew of his lifestyle.

This investigation is based on about 1,000 leaked documents. It draws on Ogston’s handwritten notes, which he makes obsessively to record his daily thoughts — a life-long habit said to compensate for his poor recall. These detail everything from his fears of prosecution to the precise quantities of drugs he has ordered. Details have been corroborated through interviews with several sources, among them former staff and women who participated in his sex parties. Where possible, the existence of key characters and their whereabouts at different times have been verified using open-source information, such as social media posts. We have protected the women’s identities and used aliases.

Together, it paints a picture of how one man has used his wealth to fund and conceal his activity over the course of a decade. He uses a false name to pay for sex and drugs. He holds a bank account in this name that he uses to withdraw hundreds of thousands of pounds in cash from a vault in Kensington, and wires money to accounts in Thailand and Singapore.

The Metropolitan Police received reports of his use of women and drug consumption in 2012 and 2013. Despite acknowledging criminality at his property, detectives failed to investigate. In 2016, Scotland Yard contacted a woman who Ogston had paid for sex and subsequently accused of blackmail. Extraordinarily, an officer sent two emails they had received in which the woman alleged exploitation by Ogston back to the man himself. The officer also assured Ogston they were running checks and trying to find an address for her. The millionaire then hired a private detective to track her down.

Last night, the Met said it had launched an investigation into potential wrongdoing by officers. It said the Directorate of Professional Standards (DPS) was assessing its handling of complaints involving Ogston and called on any alleged victims of trafficking or modern slavery to come forward.

Ogston was made a CBE for services to business and to the community in York

Investor whose ‘wealth doubled every few days’.

Ogston grew up in Haslemere, Surrey, the son of a dental surgeon. After leaving school and spending his gap year in the Norwegian merchant navy, he enrolled as a business student at Manchester University. He invested in the stock market, read the FT and smoked cigars as his wealth, in his words, doubled “every few days”.

He set up a string of ventures with a mixed record of success, among them the Guinness World Records Museum in London and a retail loyalty scheme. But he struck gold in 1980, when, aged 32, he founded Card Protection Plan (CPP), a credit card insurance firm. Customers who lost their cards by misplacing them, or through theft or identity fraud, would be reimbursed for any missing money.

At one stage his worth was estimated at half a billion. His high point came in March 2010, when Ogston pocketed £120 million as the firm, by then boasting more than 2,000 employees and 11 million customers across 16 countries, floated on the London Stock Exchange.

The following year, accompanied by his then wife, a former model from Poland, and their three children, he received an honour from Princess Anne at Buckingham Palace in recognition of his achievements.

Two years later, his company was engulfed in a mis-selling scandal. Britain’s financial regulator, the Financial Conduct Authority, issued a record fine after ruling that CPP’s card and identity protection policies were practically worthless because 7 million consumers were already protected by their banks.

Ogston was personally forced to contribute a seven-figure sum towards a record £1.5 billion compensation pot, while being accused of “breathtaking insensitivity” after claiming the affair made him look like a “bit of a chump”. He resigned as chairman and a director of the company after publicly dismissing the compensation scheme as “bollocks” and “ridiculous”.

In April 2013, Ogston wrote to an old friend with a proposal. Marwan Bedas, then 64, the British-educated scion of a Lebanese banking dynasty based between Beirut, London and Paris, had met Ogston at university in the 1960s. Ogston asked if he would sign a tenancy agreement for a pied-à-terre adjoining his own £8 million property on a mews a short walk from Harrods in Knightsbridge. It was owned by Nicholas Johnston, an old Etonian and friend of the then prime minister David Cameron.

The offer was part of an apparent plan to bring sex workers into the country and was not the first attempt by Ogston and Bedas. In 2006, according to a contemporaneous email, Bedas had flown to the Philippines to scout out “candidates” for Ogston. He reported that he had been “fortunate enough” to find two “willing ladies” despite a police raid on one of the “agencies” he had visited. In 2007, Ogston emailed Bedas about “Phillipos coming to London”, which he wanted “asap”. For years, Ogston had also seen Thai migrants, Russian escorts and, as he described them in an email in September 2006, “Chinese whores” in London.

Under Ogston’s 2013 plan, Bedas would receive free board and lodging at the flat, equivalent to £40,000 a year. In exchange, Bedas would help arrange parties in a “studio” at Ogston’s property, which, unbeknownst to neighbours, connected to the flat through a newly-built passageway. Ogston told Bedas he also wanted a “Filipino maid to live in the flat” who was “trustworthy and will not blackmail me over the [activities] that she will have to clear up at the end of an evening”. Bedas, a Lebanese father-of-five, would find them and bring them to the UK.

On April 2, Bedas agreed, telling Ogston: “I have put my name and reputation at your disposal as a dear friend.”

Bedas identified a 23-year-old woman from a city in the north of the Philippines to bring to London. We are calling her Nicole. He emailed Ogston, saying she was “attractive, discreet, intelligent, a competent cook” and “ready to participate in [sexual activities] ... when needed”. He was already “training her” to be subjected to certain acts, he said, adding that she was “slim and very pretty, as you will see in the film clip I’ll send you”.

She was to enter the UK via Lebanon on an overseas domestic worker (ODW) visa: a scheme introduced in 2002 allowing ultra-wealthy foreigners to temporarily bring household staff — including nannies, gardeners and chauffeurs — into the country. Nicknamed a “nanny visa”, by the mid-2010s roughly 17,000 individuals a year used one to accompany employers on visits to Britain ranging from 48-hour shopping trips to stays of many months.

According to an independent Home Office review in 2015, mistreatment and abuse of these workers was endemic, with visa-holders motivated by the “relative desperation” of needing to send money to their families in poor countries, and their legal status being completely dependent on their employer’s sponsorship.

Bedas sent photocopies of Nicole’s passport. He told Ogston she would need to be paid “£1,000 per month”.

“I shall be happy to share the costs of bringing [Nicole] to London because I know her well and she is fun company,” Bedas said. The application had to be submitted by April 5 because the following day, Theresa May’s Home Office was introducing new rules aimed at tightening the system and clamping down on exploitation.

On May 3, 2012, Bedas reported that he had received an overseas domestic worker visa to work in a private household, starting that week. Its stated purpose was for Nicole to “work with Marwan Y Baidas”.

Upon arriving in Britain, Nicole went to live at Ogston’s property and within weeks she was organising and participating in his parties. On July 11, weeks after the visa was issued, she told Ogston she had spoken to a fellow sex worker and agreed what their next “session” would involve. She said that “all three of us” would participate in extreme activities. The Sunday Times is not disclosing details, but these would have posed severe health risks to the women. Nicole would go on to participate in the events regularly. Most were filmed and edited for Ogston’s personal use. Her duties also included storing the footage on a hard drive, for which he gave her an additional £20 an hour.

Bedas continued to masquerade as the tenant. In September, Johnston, the landlord, said he was concerned about “reports of noise and the property being used by other people even when you are not present”.

Outside of the parties themselves, Nicole’s duties for Ogston were ill-defined. She appears to have worked part-time as a housekeeper at his residence while organising his events, collecting his drugs and participating in sex work with him.

Ogston also knew that, on the side, she was working as an escort supervised by Bedas. He believed his Lebanese associate was keeping a third of the fees.

The apparent conspiracy to bring Nicole into the country could amount to trafficking under the predecessor legislation to the Modern Slavery Act. Ogston may also have committed immigration offences, including assisting in a person’s unlawful immigration and harbouring them, and prostitution crimes, including “intentionally controlling” a prostitute’s activities. Bedas refused to comment in detail. He stated that our information was “incorrect”, before hanging up. Nicole appears to have returned to the Philippines the following year.

Ogston used an alias in his dealings with anyone connected to his criminality: “James Mac”, based on his actual name, Hamish, a form of the name Seamus — the Irish equivalent of James.

The need for anonymity was clear. Ogston later acknowledged that as many as 100 people might have taken part or witnessed the events, which had yielded a personal collection of 3,000 films. The events are said to have lasted all night, fuelled by class-A drugs including cocaine and crystal meth. Women would enter through Bedas’s flat, then proceed upstairs via a secret passageway to a studio elaborately stocked with drug paraphernalia such as nitrous oxide canisters and crystal meth pipes.

Ogston insisted on using his pseudonym in every context, including setting up an email address and a bank account in the same name. As recently as last year, young female aides would visit Metro Bank on Kensington High Street, show a member of the private banking team an affidavit and walk out with rucksacks full of physical cash — usually £100,000 at a time. A spokesman for the bank said: “We cannot discuss individual customer accounts and details without their written permission.”

He had another safeguard against being exposed: the women typically did not have the right to live or work in the UK. As Ogston later admitted in a handwritten note in 2013, “They are illegally overstaying their visas.”

He procured women through trusted contacts in the Thai community, who would find sex workers on escort websites using his username, “Jmac”, or through massage parlours and brothels in west London. Ogston’s key facilitator was Alice, a Thai woman who lived in Queensway in central London near many of the capital’s biggest Thai brothels, and quickly became embedded in the criminal underworld.

For thousands of pounds, she would send Thai women to Ogston, procure drugs and take part in his parties. Many of the other women the millionaire received at his property were not free agents but, he said, beholden to “pimps” and “mama sans”, shorthand for a female Thai or Filipina pimp. Many are likely to have been promised better lives by pimps and the ability to send remittances back home. In historic cases, such women have been forced to repay debts by sleeping with men in order to “repay” pimps for their plane tickets.

The Thai sex workers used by Ogston were subjected to such dangerous acts at his parties that some needed medical attention. His go-to person was a Harley Street doctor, Thomas Bozek, who specialises in minor cosmetic surgery. On one occasion in 2012, Ogston wrote directly to the doctor about the workers who were dependent on him for medication to prevent disease from the work they undertook, telling him “I will pay any bills presented” by [Mary]”, a 32-year-old Thai woman. The same year, Bozek sent Ogston 48 tables of ciproxin, a prescription-only antibiotic, without knowing the identity of the women involved. Ogston had told him: “With 3 Thais in one evening I get through 6 tablets.”

Approached for comment, Bozek told The Sunday Times that “everybody” knew Ogston had sexual relationships with what he called “staff” at his property. “I mean everybody talked about it ... they knew what his lifestyle was,” he said. Bozek also knew of the pseudonym, saying: “I think he used a fake name with lots of people.” He continued: “I thought they were potentially exploited in his household, so I thought they needed help. They needed to be looked at.” He could not explain prescribing pills to nameless people via Ogston.

There were other health risks. One Thai woman who attended several of his parties claimed she consumed such extreme quantities of cocaine there she believed she would die. Rosa — not her real name — said she slept with Ogston consensually for payment. But she alleged that she took drugs he supplied to cope with the other things he asked her to do: sleeping with his male friends and other sex workers.

She said she was never physically coerced and that he “never threatened me”, but claimed Ogston manipulated her by saying he liked her and that she was financially vulnerable. She said: “I do it because I need the money. And every time I do it, I feel really upset.” She stopped working for him as she says she feared taking an overdose and dying. She said: “When I wake up, I always cry. And one day I told myself, ‘I have enough, I don’t want to die.’ ”

Despite having resolved to live, she later fell into depression. She says she attempted suicide and was admitted to a psychiatric hospital. She did not challenge Ogston on his behaviour after leaving. Others did.

On January 6, 2016, Ogston arrived home to Knightsbridge to discover a handwritten note. “Mr James,” it said in large capital letters. “I know what happens in your house. Please respond or shortly, so too will the world.” It said payment would be required to stop the disclosure of evidence of “degrading” conduct, the use of girls “unable to complain due to legal status” and the retention of hundreds of videos.

Despite the fluent English and apparent sophistication of the operation, the author purported to be a Thai sex worker we are calling Ella.

She claimed to have entered the UK on a 24-hour transit visa with the help of Thai pimps, who bought her ticket and promised her work and a new life in London. Within weeks of arriving she said she was sleeping with ten men a day — she had “no choices, just work” because of the £30,000 debt she owed to her traffickers. She said she was introduced to a wealthy man known to many Thai escorts in London: James Mac. Taxi invoices confirm she became a semi-regular visitor to his property.

A short time later, Ella emailed Ogston again. The author, purporting to be Ella, said he ran his sex life as a “rapacious corporation” involving women with “no leverage with the authorities” like her.

While Ogston suspected someone else might be behind the letter, in a handwritten note-to-self he acknowledged that Ella did exist. He knew that “she [was] illegal”, had a mama-san and had travelled to his home on multiple occasions.

Ogston assembled a team of lawyers, private investigators and cybersecurity experts and then went to Charing Cross police station. On February 2, 2016, he signed a sworn witness statement to the police in which he admitted whoever the author was had knowledge of “private matters that sometimes take place at my home address”.

He said Ella’s claims were inaccurate. He wrote: “I sometimes have women that like me visit me at the address. Sometimes more than one woman comes along and we engage in sexual activity which I pay for. Sometimes the sexual activity is filmed but always with the consent of all those involved.” He added: “I do not exploit anybody and do not engage in degrading acts.”

Scotland Yard launched an investigation into the blackmail attempt. It was not the first time Ogston had crossed the Met’s radar. In 2012, neighbours had complained of sex work and drugs on his property, while the following year his Lebanese associate, Bedas, with whom he had by then fallen out, told officers of class-A drugs at the residence. In response, a detective constable, Ashok Hirani, confirmed he was “fully aware of the parties that were recorded and where drugs were taken”. For reasons that remain unclear, the force declined to investigate.

This time, John Mahoney, the police detective running the investigation, made several approaches to Ella using email addresses provided by Ogston. On one occasion, someone claiming to be her responded in less fluent English than the blackmail letter, saying: “He bad man but I not want troubl [sic]. He promise look after me. He make me do bad bad things.” On August 3, 2016, the woman told the detective: “I cry. I work for him as cleaner. I here illegal from Thai. He make me have sex with him. You not believe me but he make me [extreme sex acts]. He do with many girl. He make film of each one in his house. He make me clean up after. He even have medicine so we not get sick. But many girl get sick. He is sick in head. But he have so much money he get away ... He very clever. He know I here no visa.”

Extraordinarily, Mahoney forwarded Ella’s emails to Ogston in their entirety. He also assured Ogston he was running “checks to try and find an address for her”. Afterwards, Ogston hired a private detective and cybersecurity experts to track Ella down. He also sent Thai sex workers to establish her whereabouts and find any pimps who might have information about her. It is unclear if his efforts were successful or what became of Ella.

A Met spokesman told The Sunday Times yesterday: “An investigation was conducted, enquiries made and the blackmail crime report was subsequently closed. During the course of the investigation, a person identified themselves as having been exploited by the alleged victim of the blackmail. Efforts were made to identify and locate this person. However, when officers communicated with this person they declined to speak to police or support any further action.

“In recent years the police have become more aware of the need to be proactive in recognising and responding to concerns about human trafficking and modern slavery.”

The spokesman continued: “This matter is being assessed by the Directorate of Professional Standards (DPS).” He added that “any evidence that the name of an informant/complainant has been provided inappropriately to a suspect will form part of the DPS assessment”.

On June 20, 2016, a Thai national we are calling Tina arrived in the UK for the first time on a six-month visitor visa. She stayed with a relative who ran a Thai massage parlour in Radlett, north of London, repeatedly visiting Ogston. In a note of a session on June 28, the millionaire wrote that she “liked” “ice [crystal meth] and coke [cocaine]”, and a particular form of extreme treatment. Ogston took an interest in her visa status and one occasion made a note to himself: “NB: photocopy her passport.”

By November 2017, she was back in Thailand and, according to one of Ogston’s notes, “desperate to return” to London — but her “application [was denied]” amid suspicion from the Home Office.

In January 2018, they met again when Ogston took some friends on a luxury sailing holiday in Phuket. They were joined by five Thai women including Tina, who, according to Ogston, “looked after all the men”.

It was last year that she made her latest attempt to enter the UK.

On her visa application, Tina described herself as a self-employed “bamboo basketry weaver”. She claimed she was coming to the country to visit her family. Yet the UK Visas and Immigration division (UKVI) ruled that documents she submitted did not “demonstrate that you are the owner of a registered business as you state”. She had already had one visa rejected. UKVI concluded it was “not satisfied as to your intentions in wanting to travel to the UK now”. Her visa application was denied.

On November 1, Ogston sent a copy of the visa refusal letter to a friend from the Thai sailing trip. The friend, an old acquaintance, responded: “These effing officials have no idea what enjoyment they are denying us. The 38,000 illegal cross channel asylum seekers don’t have the same allure.” He reflected: “Trouble with [Tina] is she’s had 2 refusals. Pity as she’s good fun ... and thus all the more reason for her to be allowed in.”

Reached for comment, the man, who we are not identifying, told The Sunday Times: “What Hamish wants to do with girls, if he wants to bring them into the country, is entirely up to him ... I should imagine he wanted to bring her in for a bit of fun and recreation. I can only surmise that.” He added: “What happened in Thailand goes on in Thailand ... I don’t avail myself of sex workers over here in England.”

Weeks after the UKVI letter landed last December, Ogston asked a partner at a City law firm and a longstanding confidante for advice on how to “get these young Thai ladies in here”. He gave several recent examples where he had apparently been frustrated: first Tina; then a Thai woman “wanting to bring her two sisters over here”; and finally two women who were, like Tina, sufficiently “stupid” to have claimed that they too were basket weavers. Sponsoring people “used to be the way”, but that no longer worked and now even tourist visas were being denied.

He reflected on Tina’s case and those of two other Thai women whose applications had recently been denied. “They’re really tightening up,” he said.

Ogston said his ideal scenario would be to have women enter the country as tourists, initially for a month, but potentially remain for as long as six. If they were a “real cracker” they would stay “doing things for me”, either for his private office or the Hamish Ogston Foundation, the charity he had founded in late 2019.

He suggested: “The charity won’t be funding this, it would be me privately, but we could use the charity as some foil.” In fact, Ogston asked whether could he bring such women into the country as interns for his charity. He knew they had “no job” and “no qualifications” — apart from, he joked, “Being able to do something better than anyone else.”

The solicitor explained that it would be complicated to achieve his desired goal. Ogston, appearing miffed, joked: “I’ll have to use a rubber doll now.”

Ogston’s activities continue unabated. Last month, a Thai woman left the UK after several months working at his property as a sex worker and domestic assistant. Ogston has also said he intends to entrust this woman with destroying videos shot at his parties and preventing them from falling into the hands of the police when he dies. She acknowledged to The Sunday Times that she had entered the country on a visitor visa — which expressly prohibits a person from paid or unpaid work. Financial documents show Ogston making tens of thousands of pounds in payments to her over the years.

Just a few weeks ago, a sex worker who has procured other prostitutes for Ogston posted on a Facebook group for Thai workers, asking for new staff urgently. His handwriting appeared on the job description.

According to sources, Ogston is also determined to secure a knighthood. Since 2018, the Ogston Foundation has given millions in grants to causes as varied as research on treating snakebite infections to restoring the home of a women’s university in India. Last month, he received a glowing report in the Guardian after donating £29 million to heritage skills training — purportedly “breathing new life” into dying crafts and funding hundreds of apprenticeships. He has established partnerships with the National Trust and the King’s flagship charity, the Prince’s Foundation. As his website puts it, Ogston is not just a successful businessman but a man motivated by “eliminating the disparities” in healthcare, helping “disadvantaged young people” and assisting “deprived communities around the world”.

Ogston did not respond to the allegations in detail when approached for comment. He instructed a London firm of solicitors, experts in criminal law, when confronted with the allegations. In a statement he said: “This paints a picture of my personal life that I simply do not recognise. I do not exploit women. I am very sad that the publication of these allegations is going to cause immeasurable harm to the charities which I have been able to support over the years.” His lawyers said the 75-year-old needed more time to respond as the alleged events “date back many years” and he did not recognise the version of events or the interpretation placed upon alleged incidents."[1]

Anyone reading the lawsuits against Jeffrey Epstein, and Jeffrey Epstein's Donald Trump and Jeffrey Epstein's Leon Black, all named in Jeffrey Epstein's black book, would immediately find parallels between the accounts against Hamish Ogston in what could readily be described as a network of sexual sadists involved in ongoing organized (child) sex trafficking crimes, assault and battery, torture, rape, sexual assault, and/or other wicked behavior. Here's one of the child rape lawsuits against Donald Trump, and some print screens of the same.